Nishat Anjum
The 1990s changed Indian politics forever. India is a polity that is diverse in its
languages, religion and creed. Although there is something present throughout, it is the caste system. There is no denying that. Indian politicians and masses are aware of it. Non-dominant castes have felt the need for representation and that need led to the implementation of recommendations of the Mandal Commission. But the story doesn’t start there.
In 1979, the Janta Party government under PM Morarji Desai established the Mandal Commission, the Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Commission (SEBC). Its mandate was to identify socially and educationally backward classes in India. Commission used eleven different parameters including caste discrimination, economic, social and education, etc. to prepare the report. In 1980, Commission recommended Other Backward Classes (OBCs) be given a reservation of 27% in government jobs and public sector undertaking. This would mean SC, ST and OBC reservations would come to 49%.
V.P. Singh government decided to implement the recommendation of the Mandal Commission in August 1990. Thus started the students protest. In North India, dominant upper-caste students protested against the reservation. They felt their government jobs would come under threat if OBC reservation is implemented. Around 200 protesting students committed self-immolations, out of which 62 succumbed to their burns. Soon, Indira Sawney challenged the Government of India and the Mandal Commission in the Supreme Court. A bench of nine judges passed the Act with a provision that reservation up to 50% of government job vacancies and educational seats, with a creamy layer of income, is applicable. It got implemented in 1992.
Effects of the commission weren’t limited to the change in the reservation or students protest. The Other Backward Classes made their way into India’s social justice movement. It led to the inception of some of the strongest regional parties in North India. Rashtriya Janta Dal (RJD) led by Lalu Prasad Yadav in Bihar, Samajwadi Party(SP) led by Mulayam Yadav in Uttar Pradesh, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) led by Kanshi Ram, worked to unite the socially backward classes against the dominant upper caste. Yadavs along with other backward classes became the backbone for the electoral win of SP and RLD. At the same time, Jatav and other Dalit sub-caste cause was represented by Kanshi Ram led BSP. Ajit Singh led Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) also entered politics with a voice for the representation of predominantly farming communities like Jats. This gave RJD ground to establish its political workforce among the community.
It has been almost 3 decades since Mandal Commission recommendations were implemented. A lot has changed since then. As a ripple effect of the Commission, Uttrakhand got separated from Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh and Bihar saw the representation of backward classes at the highest political posts in the state. Parties that championed the cause of backward classes have seen electoral defeat as well. But as we stand so close to the 2022 state elections, it is worth seeing how Mandal politics get played. RLD-SP alliance will be giving a combined front.
Both the parties not only represent the ambitions of backward classes, but also the farmers which constitute a large number in the state of Uttar Pradesh. Other parties including BSP will be in the race too. The caste representation has become an integral part of Indian politics, and Mandal Commission is unwittingly part of the epicentre.
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